Hallyu (the ”Korean Wave”) in Vietnam

Full Text

Introduction By now popular culture of South Korea is widespread not only across Asia, but also worldwide. Specifically popular in many countries are such products of the Korean creative sphere as K-pop (Korean popular music) and dramas (doramas, Korean “trendy dramas”). The term “Korean wave” (Hallyu -한류) means the process of South Korean mass culture export. Since the late 1990s Hallyu has undergone some significant changes and has evolved from a regional phenomenon into a global cultural phenomenon. First and foremost, its evolution is connected with the process, which Oh Ingyu, a member of the International Association for Hallyu Studies, defines with the term glocalisation [Oh 2017: 157-167]. As doramas and K-pop, being the base of the Korean wave, originated in the process of foreign products adaptation (the former were created with the orientation towards Japanese “trendy dramas” of the 1980s, the latter was influenced with the American and European dance music of the 1990s and the turn of the 21st century) they may be considered products of high-quality localization prevailing trends of global popular culture. However, Hallyu phenomenon is not a mere copy or adaptation of creative sphere products of donor-countries for local standards, but creative reception and further transformation of their content and insertion of national specificity in them. Due to this, new forms of popular culture created in the “Korean wave” frameworks could go beyond the boundaries of one country and spread not only across East and South East Asian countries, but also through the world media space. Thus, the successful reception of foreign products by Korean doramas and music producers let “the Korean wave” gain fame and spread its cultural influence through the world. In this context the phenomenon of cultural transfer of Hallyu products to the countries of East-Asian and South East-Asian regions deserves separate consideration. It seems possible to speak of this process like of a new glocalization wave. Currently, one can observe the change of cultural reception paradigm: while earlier the main donor of creative sphere contents in Asia were Western countries and highly developed Japan, now one of the first places in the structure of culture products export is taken by South Korea. As the spread of Hallyu began with Asia, the “Korean wave” reception process across this region is of a special interest. The Hallyu content reception in Vietnam is emphasized in this article. Due to the fact that the Communist Party of Vietnam is the ruling power of the country, some researchers believe that Communist ideology have some influence on the reception process of Hallyu products, similarly to the CPR and KPDR [Milanowitsch 2017: 273-284]. However, other researchers argue that there are other factors having much stronger influence on the reception mechanisms of the Korean wave, than the influence of the Communist ideology. Among these factors it is worth noting the “soft power” that A.A. Sokolov writes about as well as the conflict of media spheres and considered cultural policy of South Korea mentioned in the work by E.V. Lachina [Lachina 2014: 147-155]. Besides, some researchers, Nguyen Ngoc Tho among them [Nguyễn Ngọc Thơ 2014: 1-8], believe that cultural and historical community of the RK and Vietnam is of greater importance in Hallyu products reception. As a whole, there are several various standpoints on the causes, influencing the “Korean wave” reception degree, but the problem of specific character of Hallyu products reception in Vietnam still lacks investigation, which approve the actuality of this research. Its goal is to show the specificity of “the Korean wave” content reception in Vietnam. It can be achieved with performing the following tasks: to study Hallyu history and the causes of its popularity, as well as to show transformation of Korean cultural content on its reception process in Vietnam. To study audiovisual sources (doramas, musical clips etc.), content analysis was used. The evolution of the reception of the “Korean wave” products in Vietnam since the end of the 1990s to nowadays was investigated with diachronic method. To systematize data and to define the specificity of the reception of Hallyu products in the SRV, the generalization method was used. The history of Hallyu origin and popularity causes Despite the fact that Hallyu phenomenon emerged but in the late 1990s, the necessary prerequisites for the emergence appeared much earlier. As it is known, in 1945, according to the Soviet-American agreement South Korea went under the jurisdiction of the US. From the late 1940s to 1970s the country had strong political, economic, and cultural influence of the US. In the 1980s the RK experienced general penetration of American pop culture. That is why South Koreans feared the assimilation of national culture with the American one. However, such a situation let them realize the necessity to preserve the identity by means of promoting national cultural products to the global market [Polosina 2012: 436], which further served one of the prerequisites of Hallyu emergence. In 1987, the Sixth Republic was established in South Korea. President Roh Tae-woo carried out some reforms, the relaxation of censorship among them, being followed by the democratization of Korean television and music industries [Kadosina, Filippova 2019: 129]. These transformations let the producers of media content get rid of the state control and to follow the world trends, which resulted in creation of unique products of “the Korean wave” ten years later. The term “Halluy” was introduced in “The Chinese Chronicles” (Taiwan) in 1997, but not in the current meaning. First, it meant the influx of goods produced in South Korea. The term “Korean wave” with regard to South Korean popular culture was used in 1999 in “Beijing Youth Daily”, in the article “At times East Wind Blows to the East” [Lachina 2014: 148]. The first successful products of “the Korean wave” were films “Swiri” and “My Sassy Girl” , gained popular not only in the RK, but also abroad. Thus, the public response, provoked with the sudden increase of interest in Korean pop culture attracted attention of journalists and later of researchers which served for the start of the discussion on the causes of the phenomenon. Currently, there are some hypotheses, explaining the high level of popularity of South Korean mass culture in the countries of Asian region, Vietnam among them. All of them come to several main concepts. The general Confucian cultural and historical context While the countries where “the Korean wave” got the widest spread were, like the KR itself, part of Sinosphere and were influenced with the Confucian tradition, their value orientations are somewhat similar, what permitted to accelerate Hallyu content diffusion [Shmakova, Vinokurova 2015: 161]. Traditional family values, based on Confucian ideal of “filial piety”, is reflected in many Korean doramas [Nguyễn Ngọc Thơ 2014: 4]. Respect for elders, obedience, love for family members are represented in doramas as the main human virtues. Such qualities get response not only of Korean audience, but also, they appeal to long-standing values of the audience within Sinosphere. Synthesis of cultural standards of West and East As has already been mentioned, “the Korean wave” products are samples of successful reception of the content of Western creative sphere with its further creative transformation in national popular brand by means of Oriental specificity. State and private support for Hallyu Some researchers are of the opinion that “the Korean wave” phenomenon is based on the economic success of the Republic of Korea [Kim Bok-Rae 2015: 166], which permitted local producers at the support of big business to develop efficient marketing strategies for Hallyu promotion across Asia and to create a competitive cultural product. Besides, the state support of “the Korean wave” realized in the frameworks of “Korean culture globalization” is of great importance [Mikhaylik 2008: 36]. Thus, the emergence of Hallyu phenomenon in Asian region in the late 1990s had been preceded with the events connected first and foremost with post-war American expansion in South Korea in the 1940s - 1970s followed with the democratization of media sphere in the late 1980s. As the sequence of swift Westernization of public life there appeared demand both for original forms of culture and the reception and transformation of Western cultural products. The result was the creation of the unique “Korean wave” content, which soon acquired popularity in East and South East Asia. The causes of a keen interest of Asian consumers to Hallyu products were common cultural standards, successful combination of the achievements of Western and Oriental cultural traditions, state and private support for “the Korean wave”. “The Korean wave” reception in Vietnam Having begun to spread abroad with China, “the Korean wave” soon achieves South East Asia and gradually spread worldwide. Both the swift popularity growth and big commercial success of Hallyu made cultural industries of many countries increase import of its products. However, in some regions the reception of “the Korean wave” was not limited with import, but moved up the next level in the form of remaking the content for their own audience demand. Vietnam was one of the countries of South East Asia with the most active reception of Hallyu. The dynamics of Hallyu content reception in Vietnam since the late 1990s to nowadays Usually, Hallyu reception process in Vietnam is divided into four stages [The Vietnamese cultural content: 26.03.2020]. In the first stage (the late 1990s - 2000) it began with the dorama “False brothers” (1998) , Korean pop culture increased popularity which achieved its peak several years later, in the second stage (2000-2005) [Sokolov 2015: 2]. Thus, in 2033 the share of Korean television programs was 30% of the total number of programs, that were broadcasted on the TV in Vietnam [Trần Thị Hường, Cao Thị Hải Bắc 2014: 7]. Despite a decreasing interest in doramas from 2005 to 2008, “the Koran wave” recovered its positions, having entered the third stage (2006-2012), where the leading role belonged to K-pop. The fan base of Korean music groups of the second and third generations was replenished with a lot of Vietnamese youth (Fig.1). Fig. 1. Vietnamese “Korean wave” lovers. Source: medium.com Later, Hallyu tourism became popular with Vietnamese. Its popularity increased from 10,6 mln visitors to the RK in 2011 to 12,2 mln in 2013 [Trần Thị Hường, Cao Thị Hải Bắc 2014: 11], which evidences that cultural diffusion had grown deeper by the start of the fourth stage (2012-2013 - nowadays). The surveys of 2019 showed that 51% of Vietnamese like K-pop, 68% are interested in Korean doramas [Report affirms: 26.03.2020]. Besides, according to the data of the Netflix, one of the largest online platforms for viewing films and doramas, in 2020 Top-10 evidenced 1 - 4 places for TV show and 7 - 9 places for Korean doramas in Vietnam [TOP 10: 07.01.2021]. The first week of January 2021 also showed 1, 3, 5 - 7 places in Top-10 for South Korean doramas [TOP TV Shows: 07.01.2021]. It means that Hallyu products are still much in demand in Vietnam. So, in this country a steady trend for the increase of the Korean content popularity is observed. Fig. 2. Hallyu' stars to visit Vietnam to promote their drama Kim Tae-hee and Song Seung-heon Source: hancinema.net The re-makes of Korean doramas; transformation of Hallyu products in Vietnam It is noteworthy that during the above-mentioned stages of the Hallyu reception process in Vietnam the Korean content was somewhat transformed. Having begun from the import of “the Korean wave” products and their mere translation into Vietnamese, the cultural industry of the SRV gradually changed its Hallyu reception strategy towards the adaptation of the Korean pop culture content to the tastes of the Vietnamese audience. One of the first methods of such an adaptation became re-makes of popular Korean doramas and TV-shows. In Vietnam this trend was widespread not earlier than in the early fourth stage of the reception, viz. in 2014 - 2015. Choosing the content for further adaptation, the main criterion was the rate of its popularity among native audience/ That is why ratings of the re-makes were always extremely high. Vietnamese versions were created for many Korean TV- programs, film “You are My Granny” , the dorama “My First Love” and “The Running Man” show . First, this method of “the Korean wave” content reception was rather copying than a new product creation, which had negative effects, especially currently. Leaning on the former experience of slavish imitation of the Korean content, producers and actors sometimes resort to plagiarism. It happens very often in musical sphere [Sokolov 2015: 12]. The example of this was the scandal [Học hỏi Kpop: 10.04.2020], in which Dương Hiếu Nghĩa, a Vietnamese singer, was involved suspicious in copying the clip “A Million Pieces” of the Korean idol Cho Kyu Hyun. In spite of some negative sequences of such a reception method, this attempt to transform Hallyu content was a significant step on the way towards the creation of native successful industry of music and filmmaking, based on the imitated models of “the Korean wave”. The joint Korean and Vietnamese media projects Another method of Hallyu content reception is joint film production. In the early stages of this partnership the Vietnamese side only was responsible for looking for filming locations and for the process organization, while the Korean side offered the personnel, including script writers, directors and actors. However, later, there emerged the mutually beneficial cooperation of the two countries film industries. The examples of such a cooperation are the films: “Muoi: The Legend of a Portrait” , “Live Again, Love Again” and the dorama “Forever Young” [7 bộ phim: 09.04.2020]. Currently, the personnel of the both sides participate in the production. It is noteworthy that often ethnic Vietnamese actors are invited to play main roles. Generally, these actors live and work in the RK, like Hari Won (Lưu Esther) in the film “Who is My Future Family?” . Besides, in Vietnam the trend is observed when Korean corporations invests large amounts into the local film industry. Also, the Korean side initiates the establishment of joint companies to cast, to teach and to promote Vietnamese actors according to Hallyu standards. One of such companies is CJ Blue, having been founded in 2016 by Korean CJ E&M and Vietnamese Blue Group [CJ Group (CJ E&M) co-operates with Blue Group (Blue Ocean): 03.04.2020]. Apparently, in this way Korean practices are transferred to the Vietnamese reality, models for managing entertainment industry are copied. That is why Hallyu, in fact, is hors-concours in the Vietnamese market. Moreover, Korean investors have an important impact in the sphere of the Vietnamese film distribution. In 2017 the total market share of Korean companies CJ-CGV и LOTTE, owing 57 cinemas across the country, accounted for more as 70% [The Vietnamese cultural content: 03.04.2020]. The film industries cooperation is carried out on the level of full-scale cooperation of Korean and Vietnamese film companies, while joint projects in the musical industry are rather fixed on the individual partnership, the idols’ agencies are busy with their collaborations. An example of such a cooperation of the artists of the two countries is the joint record of a Vietnamese singer Soobin Hoàng Sơn and the Korean singer Park Ji Yeon from the T-ara group of the song “Between Us” and two bilingual clips for it [VN, Korean singers: 04.04.2020]. Recently, the Vietnamese side have begun learning more actively from the experience of Korean professionals in the sphere of creation of mass culture products, and in this way creating native industry of producing idols. As the most efficient way of seeking talented artists survivor programs are used, as they have approved their productivity on the Korean scene. Among them there is a Vietnamese version of Produce 101 project [Việt Nam sẽ có chương trình: 04.04.2020], as well as other similar measures, which had already been organized in the SRV with the task of training Vietnamese artists in accordance to Hallyu system (LOTTE VK-Pop Superstar ). Thus, currently in Vietnam there are several ways of “the Korean wave” reception: from the production of Korean doramas re-makes and musical collaborations of idols of the two countries to wide cooperation of film industries and joint issues of musical reality-show. It is noteworthy, that the sphere of penetration of Korean products is very wide, as the cultural diffusion has no obstacles. However, their adoption and spread are not deep, while generally the initiative belongs to Korean companies. Vietnam and “the Korean cultural imperialism”: possible limitations in the future “The Korean wave” impact on Vietnamese consumers is controversial. Despite many positive effects, such as inculcating social values in the new generation being the overwhelming majority of Korean pop culture fans (respect for the elders, diligence in work etc.) [Ảnh hưởng của phim Hàn Quốc: 22.04.2020], Hallyu may also have negative impact. Among negative sequences of “the Korean wave” on Vietnam there are ignorance of traditional arts in favor of Hallyu products and slavish imitation of Koran standards (from beauty understanding to tastes in fine arts), mindless copying of Korean culture to the detriment of Vietnamese one [Sokolov 2007: 421]. Besides, the attractive image of South Korea having been created with “the Korean wave: products, influence the increase of migration flow out of Vietnam to the RK. Young Vietnamese specialists who leave Vietnam for South Korea means first of all “brain drain”, which undermines scientific and technological potential of the SRV [Dinh Thủy Anh 2016: 42]. Many Vietnamese researchers believe that Hallyu negative impact is of a larger scale. It is not limited with occasional acts of imitating Korean culture. Thus, in his work Duong Nguyen Hoai Phuong writes that cultural relationships of Vietnam and South Korea do not possess equal rights, but serve an example of cultural imperialism. The researcher argues that through Hallyu influence the RK achieves cultural hegemony, which transforms mentality and life style of Vietnamese audience of “the Korean wave” [Dương Nguyễn Hoài Phương 2016: 10]. This opinion is shared with part of Vietnamese society. That is why there is the perspective of limitation of the flow of Korean cultural products and public discontent may be followed by official measures, such as ban on TV broadcasting of the content etc. However, a great success having been achieved with Hallyu in Vietnam, as well as the lack of comments of the authorities, evidence that currently the reception has no obstacles and it is unlikely that it has them in the nearest future. Conclusion The Hallyu phenomenon which appeared in Asia at the end of the 1990s and spread worldwide is a bright example of glocalization. In this connection the Korean experience of successful integration into the global cultural space through the unique content production, based on combination of Western and Oriental cultural traditions attracted attention of numerous producers of media products, who wished to adopt it with the task to create own entertainment industry later to join the world media sphere. Besides, great popularity of Hallyu products made for its reception in Asian region. So did the general Confucian cultural and historical context and state support of the RK, what ensured its swift penetration into Vietnam. The research has shown that in Vietnam Hallyu reception process is divided into four stages and is carried out free. As far as methods and ways of the reception are concerned, the most widespread is the creation of re-makes of Korean films and doramas. Also, joint issue of musical compositions with participation of Korean idols and cooperation in the sphere of film production are rather popular. However, it is noteworthy, that the cultural diffusion in the SRV is not very deep, because the initiative, in fact, only belongs to the Korean side. Thus, with the assistance of the Korean side joint companies are being organized, which do casting, training and promotion of Vietnamese artists in accordance to Hallyu standards. In fact, this means the transfer of Korean practices to Vietnamese realities, and implies copying models for entertainment industry management. In this connection, “the Korean wave” is hors-concours in the Vietnamese market. Besides, Korean investors have great influence in the sphere of Vietnamese film distribution. Despite public discontent with “the Korean wave”, being a real conflict of cultural interests, the authorities do not introduce any limitation measures, because economic advantage of the cooperation with the Korean side is extremely high, and the Vietnamese entertainment industry finds it possible to develop on the account of the investments of big South Korean companies, such as LOTTЕ and CJ Group. Thus, currently Vietnam creates native entertainment industry modelled on Korean one. The Hallyu reception and direct cooperation of Korean entertainment companies with local ones are of great importance. In this connection, it appears that further investigation of “the Korean wave”reception process should be concentrated on a deeper understanding of cooperation mechanisms of the Korean and Vietnamese sides.

About the authors

S. V Khachaturyan

HSE University

Email: svkhachaturyan@edu.hse.ru
Student Saint-Petersburg

References

Supplementary files