No 3 (2025)

The article analyses the evolution of Italy's foreign policy on the most important multilateral treaties in the field of arms control, their proliferation and disarmament. The formulation of Italy's position on these international security issues has been determined by two factors. First, it is influenced by a certain dichotomy between Italy's two identities as a member of the European Union and that of NATO. Second, Italy's policy in the field of arms control is closely dependent on the ideology of political parties forming coalition governments, whose task is to bring different, and sometimes diametrically opposed, party positions to a common denominator. In turn, both factors are dialectically linked to the dynamics of international relations. The combination of these factors played an important role in Italy's accession to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1975, even though the country was on the verge of developing nuclear weapons. Having made a choice in favor of combating the proliferation of the nuclear threat, Italy joined the second most important multilateral Treaty - the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, as did all EU Member-States. At the same time, in the field of disarmament, the Italian leadership has always followed in the wake of US/NATO policy. This predetermined Italy's position on the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (NPNW), accession to which would require the withdrawal of American tactical weapons from two Italian bases. The return of hard power to international relations in the third decade of the 21st century, in the context of the crisis the Russia-West relations and Euro-Atlantic partnership, has revived the discussion in the European Union about its security guarantees.

The article analyses the historical and political development of Central Europe since the Velvet Revolutions of the late 1980s to the present day. The study demonstrated that after the collapse of the socialist regimes, Washington began to pay close attention to the space that found itself in a political vacuum after the collapse of the USSR. After the Central European countries found themselves in the Euro-Atlantic community, Washington's attention to the region decreased. However, the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014 marked a turn in the perception of this space, reviving historical concepts that considered this territory as a “sanitary corridor”, “buffer zone”, “outpost of the West”, etc. Until 2022, the place of Central Europe in American foreign policy was unstable and depended on the presidential administration in the White House. The beginning of the Special military operation in Ukraine significantly increased the political role of the Central European countries in the US European strategy. The latter implemented several directions of their foreign policy, receiving unconditional support from local politicians. Firstly, the United States received a new tool for promoting its own interests at the EU level. Secondly, the Americans managed to strengthen the position of domestic energy companies, using the rhetoric of the Central Europeans about a complete rejection of trade and economic cooperation with Russia. Third, the countries of Central Europe began to be officially perceived as a region deterring Russian and Chinese threats, which freed up American opportunities to work in other areas. The article notes that the Central European region, since its inception, has never been static and has changed under the influence of political processes.

The article covers the new initiatives, aimed at BRICS currency cooperation development, and prerequisites for their realisation. The study is based on an analysis of the most important changes in this area. Today, the key question is how the transition from the idea of a common currency to the creation of a single settlement system can contribute to the deepening of integration within the union. The article presents the main characteristics of digital financial assets from the point of view of their possible use in the proposed settlement system, as well as the features of historical analogues – the European Currency Unit ECU and the IMF Special Drawing Rights. BRICS states have the necessary potential to launch the process of currency integration through creation of a new and competitive payment system, based on digital financial assets. It is concluded that initially such a system could be launched on a bilateral basis. Other BRICS states and partners, present and future, can join it later, which may lead to the idea of common currency on a new level of integration development.

The article examines the situation in the field of mining from the bottom of the World Ocean, which developed after the election of the new Secretary General of the International Seabed Authority of the United Nations in the summer of 2024. It describes the ambiguous balance of forces in international politics on this issue, which is becoming one of the most important in the context of the growing shortage of rare earth metals in the global raw materials market. The positions of key players are demonstrated (from the desire for the early adoption of international agreements on deep-sea mining to the complete prohibition of the development of raw materials at the bottom of the oceans). More than 30 countries are calling for a moratorium on deep-sea extraction of raw materials. Special attention is paid in the article to the activities of underwater mining, which is currently unfolding in Arctic waters. The technological competition between China and Norway for leadership in the field of underwater mining is shown. The key scientific and technical developments in the field of underwater robotics that contribute to solving a number of engineering problems of deep-sea mining are described. Achievements in terms of the long-term stay of robotic complexes in the underwater position, in terms of the accuracy of work in the bottom space, and some other engineering and technical achievements are described. Special attention is paid to the complexity of the issues of ensuring the environmental safety of the technological processes under consideration, their potential danger to many fragile ecosystems of the World Ocean. Along with this, it is also noted that the technologies for extracting minerals from the bottom of the World Ocean will develop and the industrial development of deep-sea deposits will take place in the coming years.

The article analyses the features and dynamics of Slovak-Russian relations based on the foreign policy sections of documents and materials of two Slovak political parties for the first time introduced in Russian historiography: Direction – Slovak Social Democracy and Voice – Social Democracy, speeches by their leaders R. Fico and P. Pellegrini, program declarations and statements of the Slovak government headed by Social Democrats in 1999 – early 2025. The article reveals the consistency of modern Slovak social democracy in the implementation of the multi-vector course of the Slovak Republic’s foreign policy, expressed in the need to focus “on the four corners of the world”, which implies the implementation of an attitude towards constructive pragmatism in relations with the Russian Federation. It is noted that the current course of the social democratic vertical of power towards a multi-vector foreign policy is misinterpreted by the Slovak opposition, as well as its Brussels and overseas counterparts. The expediency of Slovakia’s geopolitical vector in the conditions of termination of gas transit through Ukraine is highlighted. It is concluded that the foreign policy concepts of the Slovak Social Democrats during the period under review has remained dominant in their status as both ruling and opposition political forces in the National Council of the Slovak Republic.

The article analyses identity politics in international educational cooperation of Russia and the European Union in 2014–2024. In 2014 the Russian Federation and the EU declared an open political conflict between them, what was indicated in their foreign policy documents. Identity politics is understood as a rationale activity of political actors to form a macro-identity, which corresponds to the constructivist approach to the study of identity. The empirical basis of the article is the official documents of the Russian Federation and the EU, and data on international academic mobility. Russia and the EU intensively cooperated in higher education for almost thirty years, and identity politics was important part of the cooperation. The EU was concerned with promoting values of European integration and European identity, including cooperation with Russia. In 2000s Russian official documents formulated the notion of the trans-border identity "Russian World" as an important component of its international educational cooperation. After 2014 Russia and the EU continued international educational cooperation while it was securitized, the values were confronted. While strengthening the political component of international educational cooperation, the most important task that the Russia and the EU are trying to solve, is the problem of the aging society and the need for highly qualified personnel. To solve this task, it is necessary to attract talented young people who would share the values declared by the organizers and sponsors of international educational cooperation, and that would facilitate the integration of educational migrants into the host society. The article confirmed that values are important aspect of international educational cooperation for reaching economic and political aims.

The article covers goal-setting, difficulties and results of Bologna principles implementation in Belarus. It aims to identify the goals set by Belarus in joining the Bologna Process; to what extent Belarus experienced difficulties typical for the EHEA member-states; and what were the results of the Bologna Process for Belarus. The emphasis is placed on the political side of Belarus participation in the Bologna Process: the country's foreign policy goals in this project, the influence of political factors on the implementation of Bologna principles and the suspension of the country's participation in the EHEA. The study is based on the analysis of the official documents adopted by the EHEA and Belarus. It is concluded that joining the EHEA was in line with foreign policy and economic interests of Belarus, and also pursued academic goals. Belarus experienced difficulties typical for EHEA newcomers, which were further complicated by combining Bologna reforms with continuity in higher education system and multi-vector educational cooperation. During the participation in the Bologna Process, Belarus managed to increase the export of educational services, partly bring the national system of higher education in line with European practices and ensure integration into the global educational space. However, recent changes in the EHEA made it impossible to further implement Belarusian goals in this format. As a result, strengthening of educational cooperation between Belarus and Russia, other CIS countries, China and, possibly, countries of the global South may be expected.

This article is dedicated to the analysis of the implementation of the Bologna system of education in the Republic of Uzbekistan. The relevance of the study is determined by the necessity to monitor current changes in higher education, which are taking place within the context of globalization and the integration of the country’s education system into the international community. The aim of the study is to assess the extent of the Bologna system’s implementation in Uzbekistan, identify key features and challenges, and provide recommendations for improving the integration process into the global educational community. The tasks of the study include investigating current trends, challenges, and prospects for the modernization of education in the context of international standards, and identifying the role of the Bologna system in strengthening Uzbekistan’s position in the international educational arena. The study employs a comprehensive set of analytical methods, including historical, institutional, and systemic approaches, as well as comparative analysis. The results showed that the Bologna system played a key role in the modernization of higher education in Uzbekistan. In particular, a two-tier education system (bachelor’s and master’s degrees), the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS), and enhanced student and faculty mobility have been successfully implemented. However, despite these achievements, challenges remain, such as insufficient integration with global educational standards and the need for further development of academic mobility. In conclusion, it is emphasized that for full integration into the global educational community, further efforts are needed to improve educational standards and strengthen academic mobility, especially in the context of global changes.

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The subject of the article is the analysis and comparison of the strategies of A.A. Gromyko and the Western countries in 1976–1977 after the signing of the Helsinki Final Act. The article consists of three parts. In the first part, the author analyzes the strategic course of A.A. Gromyko and proves that the Soviet Foreign Minister understood détente as a three-level process. For this reason, he wanted to agree on the common content of détente and to build cooperation between states of different status in the system of international relations that would be beneficial for all participants. The second part describes the West’s strategic course. The author shows that the West hoped to weaken the USSR, lure the country into a foreign policy game, «keep the Soviets in good spirits» and obtain voluntary concessions from the country. The Helsinki Final Act was as a «provisional high point» that would lead to a fight for what had been achieved. In the third part, the positions of A.A. Gromyko and the Western political elite were compared. For the first time in historiography, the thesis about a real possibility of dialogue between the USSR and the United States on the legal formalization of the status of the great powers was presented. The author recommends taking into account the proposals of A.A. Gromyko in the modern system of international relations. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.