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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">The Russian Journal of Vietnamese Studies</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">The Russian Journal of Vietnamese Studies</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вьетнамские исследования</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="electronic">2618-9453</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the RAS</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">86982</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24411/2618-9453-2019-10011</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Статьи</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">Hanoi and Beijing: Ambiguities of a strategic partnership</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Ханой и Пекин: неопределенности стратегического партнёрства (англ. яз)</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Benoit</surname><given-names>De Tréglodé</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Бенуа</surname><given-names>Де Треглоде</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Director of Research, Institute for Strategic Research</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>директор по исследовательской деятельности, Институт стратегических исследований</p></bio><email>bdt.asie@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Institute for Strategic Research</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Институт стратегических исследований</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2019-06-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>06</month><year>2019</year></pub-date><volume>3</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">NO2 (2019)</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">№2 (2019)</issue-title><fpage>8</fpage><lpage>18</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2021-11-05"><day>05</day><month>11</month><year>2021</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2019, Benoit D.T.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2019, Бенуа Д.Т.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2019</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Benoit D.T.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Бенуа Д.Т.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://vietnamjournal.ru/2618-9453/article/view/86982">https://vietnamjournal.ru/2618-9453/article/view/86982</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This paper investigates the ambiguities of the Vietnam-China relations. The history of the relations between the two neighboring countries, two sister-countries since the official recognition of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) by the Soviet Union in January 1950, has always been marked by a mixture of mistrust and usefulness among the Vietnamese elites. This article shows that the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) continues to play a balanced diplomacy between the major powers in the interest of its elites concerned with maintaining their power. China and Vietnam are aware that the renewal of their security partnership will not avoid their disputes in the South China Sea. The modernization of the Vietnamese People’s Army (VPA) is intended to demonstrate to the Chinese its ability to inflict damage on the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). But in the event of a conflict, Hanoi would only seek to push Beijing back to the status quo as quickly as possible. The SRV does not see itself as the flagship of a future anti-Chinese protest in Southeast Asia, regardless of the expectations of Tokyo or Washington. The Vietnam’s leaders know that they are limited in their actions, it is in this ambiguous area that the complexity of the Sino-Vietnamese relations is found since the normalization of relations between the two states in 1991. However, with its multidirectional diplomacy (state, provinces, communities), China is omnipresent in Vietnam, at all levels of its apparatus, and in all sectors. At this stage, alienating China, and its ASEAN partners, would represent a dangerous political choice that Vietnam is not ready to make. The SRV opts for dialogue and long time to manage the future of its relations with China.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p>В этой статье рассмотрены неясности вьетнамско-китайских отношений. История отношений между двумя соседними «братскими странами» с момента официального признания Советским Союзом в январе 1950 г. Демократической Республики Вьетнам (ДРВ) всегда была отмечена смесью недоверия к Китаю вьетнамских элит и осознания пользы этих отношений. Автор статьи заявляет, что Социалистическая Республика Вьетнам (СРВ) продолжает в интересах своих элит, пекущихся о сохранении власти, вести дипломатическую игру в целях соблюдения баланса между великими державами. Китай и Вьетнам знают, что возобновление партнерства в области безопасности не решит их споров о Южно-Китайском море. Модернизация Вьетнамской народной армии призвана продемонстрировать китайцам способность нанести ущерб Народно-освободительной армии Китая. Но в случае конфликта Ханой будет стремиться как можно быстрее вернуть Пекин в статус-кво. СРВ не считает себя флагманом будущего антикитайского сопротивления в Юго-Восточной Азии, невзирая на ожидания Токио или Вашингтона. Вьетнамские лидеры знают, что они ограничены в своих действиях, и именно в этой неоднозначности заключается сложность китайско-вьетнамских отношений с момента их нормализации в 1991 г. Однако со своей многоуровневой дипломатией (на уровне государства, провинций, общин) Китай вездесущ во Вьетнаме, он присутствует на всех этажах его аппарата и во всех секторах. На данном этапе отчуждение партнеров по АСЕАН от КНР представляло бы собой опасный политический выбор, который Вьетнам не готов сделать. СРВ на долгое время своих отношений с Китаем выбирает диалог.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>Vietnam</kwd><kwd>CPC</kwd><kwd>CPV</kwd><kwd>global strategic partnerships</kwd><kwd>security cooperation</kwd><kwd>White paper</kwd><kwd>elite</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>Вьетнам</kwd><kwd>КПК</kwd><kwd>КПВ</kwd><kwd>глобальные стратегические партнерства</kwd><kwd>сотрудничество в сфере безопасности</kwd><kwd>Белая книга</kwd><kwd>элиты</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><mixed-citation>Abuza, Z. (2017). The Uigurs and China’s Regional Counter-Terrorism Efforts. In Terrorism Monitor, Volume 15, Issue 16.</mixed-citation></ref><ref id="B2"><label>2.</label><mixed-citation>Aoyama, R. (2016). «One Belt, One Road»: China's New Global Strategy. In Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies, Volume 5, Issue 2. 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