The Vietnam-Soviet Union relationship: an approach from Hồ Chí Minh’s thought and implications for the current Vietnam-Russian Federation relationship

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Problem statement

The 20th-century Vietnam-Soviet relationship was an exemplary international bond, forged on international solidarity, shared revolutionary ideals, and the goal of liberating oppressed nations. Following the 1945 August Revolution amidst countless national difficulties, President Hồ Chí Minh established a principled foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, and flexibility. He linked the Vietnamese revolution to the world revolutionary movement, where the Soviet Union held a special role. The 1950 establishment of Vietnam-Soviet diplomatic relations initiated comprehensive cooperation, with the Soviet Union becoming a strategic partner providing political, military, economic, and technical support. These achievements testify to Hồ Chí Minh's thought—a synthesis of independence with international solidarity. After the Soviet Union's dissolution, the Russian Federation inherited this friendship, elevating it to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2012. In a rapidly changing global context, studying the Vietnam-Soviet relationship through Hồ Chí Minh's thought is essential for shaping a contemporary Vietnam-Russia cooperation strategy.

To date, the Vietnam-Soviet relationship has attracted numerous scholars, establishing a significant academic foundation. Notable works clarifying Hồ Chí Minh's role and the relationship's strategic scope include studies by the Vietnam’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs [Việt Nam - Liên Xô… 1980], Trần Minh Trưởng [2005], and Vũ Dương Huân [2020]. International studies, such as articles by V. Vasilyeva [1955]; Cao Duy Tiên and V. Demidov [2015], demonstrate long-standing Russian scholarly interest in this history. However, to fully grasp the strategic depth of this relationship, one must look to the authoritative Soviet and Russian historiography which offers a critical counterbalance to Western narratives. Seminal works by I. Gaiduk [1996; 2003] are particularly significant; utilizing declassified Soviet archives, Gaiduk provides a rigorous analysis of Moscow’s policy, shedding light on the complex geopolitical triangle between the Soviet Union, China, and Vietnam during the Indochina war. The comprehensive historical evolution of bilateral ties is systematically detailed in the foundational studies by M. Isaev [1986], which serve as essential references for understanding the diplomatic mechanisms during the Cold War. Adding a vital on-the-ground perspective, E. Glazunov [2010] offers invaluable firsthand accounts of the wartime cooperation, detailing the human dimension of the Soviet technical and military assistance that official documents often overlook. Regarding the central figure of this bond, E. Kobelev [1989] provides profound biographical insights into Hồ Chí Minh’s strategic connection with the Soviet Union. Moreover, I. Selivanov's extensive archival research illuminates internal dynamics and external influences on early relations; for instance, his monograph Stalin, Hồ Chí Minh and the "case" of Trần Ngọc Dân [2014] meticulously analyzes Stalin-era tensions using declassified documents, revealing Hồ Chí Minh's skillful navigation of Soviet suspicions and the Trần Ngọc Dân affair as a pivotal episode in consolidating trust. Selivanov's article "Moscow–Hanoi–Tirana: Relations in the context of the split in the 'socialist camp'" (Sojourn) [2017] explores the Albanian factor's impact on Soviet-Vietnamese ties during the Sino-Soviet split, highlighting Hồ Chí Minh's mediation efforts to maintain unity. Similarly, his 2018 works in Voјnoistoriјski glasnik examine the Yugoslav factor (1948–1956 and 1957–1964), demonstrating how Belgrade's model influenced Hanoi's policies and strained Moscow-Hanoi relations, offering lessons for navigating alliances in the modern Vietnam-Russia partnership. Complementing these archival insights, S. Stoecker's [1989] provides a detailed examination of Soviet support during Vietnam's army presence in Cambodia. Furthermore, contemporary scholars such as V. Mazyrin [2021] have extensively analyzed the transition of these traditional ties into the modern Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, bridging historical legacies with current geopolitical realities.

Among the publications by post-graduates, doctoral dissertations in Hồ Chí Minh Studies and Philosophy also affirm the foundational role of his diplomatic thought. Works by Nguyễn Thị Tường Duy [2017], Vũ Thị Hoà [2020], and Nguyễn Thị Mai Lan [2023] reflect efforts by young researchers to clarify these ideological values and propose solutions to enhance relations with this exceptionally reliable partner.

In addition, Hồ Chí Minh's diplomatic thought and the Vietnam-Soviet relationship continue to be topics of interest for researchers at home and abroad, as evidenced by various recent international scientific conferences. Notable events include the seminar "The Role of People-to-People Diplomacy in Developing Russia-Vietnam Relations" (Moscow, 2019); the roundtable discussion "70 Years of Russia-Vietnam Cooperation: A Sustainable Relationship Toward the Future" (2020), organized by the Center for Vietnam and ASEAN Studies; and the international seminar "70 Years of Vietnam-Russia Cooperation in Education and Science" (2020) (Huong, 2020), organized by Vietnam National University, Hanoi. Such events preserve the diplomatic legacy and serve as a bridge of knowledge, deepening the current Vietnam-Russia relationship.

Building on this context and employing historical and political science research methods, this article analyzes the Vietnam-Soviet relationship through the lens of Hồ Chí Minh's thought. It aims to clarify the core principles of this special bond and propose strategic implications for strengthening the current Vietnam-Russia relationship, while preserving its traditional friendly legacy while guiding cooperation in the 21st century.

Main content

The basis for the formation of the Vietnam-Soviet Union relationship

First, Vietnam's thousand-year diplomatic tradition — flexible yet resolute and prioritizing national interests — was a crucial foundation inherited by Hồ Chí Minh. He applied this tradition, exemplified by the maxim "using the unchangeable to cope with the ever-changing" (dĩ bất biến, ứng vạn biến), to construct an inherited yet innovative foreign policy. This approach created the basis for a sustainable relationship with the Soviet Union, contributing significantly to the Vietnamese revolution's victory in the 20th century.

Second, Hồ Chí Minh creatively adapted Marxism-Leninism, which provided the theoretical foundation for his foreign policy. He viewed Soviet Russia, born from the great October Revolution, as a beacon, affirming that it "opened the path to liberation for all nations and all of humanity…" [Hồ Chí Minh 2011: 388] and had a global significance unmatched in human history [Hồ Chí Minh 2011: 387]. Reading V.I. Lenin’s “Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and Colonial Questions” in July 1920 was a decisive turning point, solidifying his view that national liberation must follow the path of proletarian revolution — Lenin’s path.

The establishment of the University of the Toilers of the East in Moscow by the Communist International in April 1921 was a initiative that offered pioneering Vietnamese a crucial opportunity to gain the theoretical knowledge and revolutionary mettle for national liberation.

Later, Hồ Chí Minh’s arrival in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg) in June 1923 to study at the University of the Toilers of the East¹, and his advocacy for other Vietnamese youths to follow, contributed to building a corps of core cadres for the revolution. These early activities, linking the Eastern and Western revolutions, laid a crucial foundation for future Vietnam-Soviet relations.

Third, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam's political system after the 1945 August Revolution created an objective need to establish international relations. Facing encirclement and hostility, the fledgling government urgently needed international support, leading Hồ Chí Minh to prioritize diplomatic relations with socialist countries, foremost among them the Soviet Union. Despite delays in establishing official ties due to the international context and Moscow's strategic priorities, he remained steadfast in a multilateral foreign policy that identified the USSR as a key objective, demonstrating the flexible yet principled nature of his thought.

Fourth, a convergence of strategic interests provided a solid foundation for the relationship. For Vietnam, the Soviet Union’s support was pivotal for resistance against aggression and post-war reconstruction. For the Soviet Union, the relationship consolidated its influence in Southeast Asia during the ideological confrontation between the world's two major blocs. This mutual benefit transcended geography, as the two nations "share great similarities in history, spirit, vision, and values"; indeed, "in the world, few countries hold such a steadfast and profound affection in the hearts of generations of Vietnamese people as the former Soviet Union and Russia today" [Tô Lâm 2025: 11.5.2025].

Hồ Chí Minh's Thought in Shaping and Developing the Vietnam-Soviet Union Relationship

The 1950-1960 period:

Following the victory of the August Revolution in 1945, the birth of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam marked a historic turning point, realizing the Vietnamese people's aspirations for independence and freedom. However, the fledgling revolutionary government immediately faced numerous severe challenges: the remnants of the colonial regime, a socio-economic crisis, natural disasters, famine, disease, and plots by reactionary forces to overthrow the government. In a complex international context, the newly established state found itself encircled and isolated politically, economically, and diplomatically, causing the resistance war against the French colonialists to be waged under extremely unfavorable conditions.

Faced with this situation, President Hồ Chí Minh, with his ideology of national independence linked with socialism and his noble spirit of proletarian internationalism, clearly identified the urgent need to expand foreign relations and garner the support and assistance of progressive forces, especially the socialist countries, to secure a strategic advantage for the Vietnamese revolution. His consistent principle was to promote internal strength while maximizing external support, using justice, righteousness, and international solidarity as the foundation for his foreign policy strategy.

After the success of the Chinese revolution, the People's Republic of China officially recognized the Democratic Republic of Vietnam on January 18, 1950. During his official visit and talks with the leaders of the Chinese Party and State in January 1950, President Hồ Chí Minh reported on the situation of the Vietnamese revolution, clearly articulated the strategic line and policies of the Vietnam Workers' Party, and proposed that China consider providing comprehensive aid for the resistance war against the French colonialists. Notably, with strategic foresight and astute international acumen, he proposed: "The Chinese government should inform Stalin that he [Hồ Chí Minh] was visiting China and request a meeting with Stalin to inform the Soviet government about the situation of the Vietnamese revolution" [Đặng Văn Thái 2004: 180]. This action clearly demonstrated Hồ Chí Minh's strategic thinking in proactively establishing friendly relations with the Soviet Union, reflecting a flexible foreign policy aimed at breaking the isolation and securing international support.

On January 23, 1950, on behalf of the Vietnamese government, Foreign Minister Hoang Minh Giam sent a diplomatic note to the Soviet Foreign Minister proposing the establishment of official diplomatic relations. Responding to this goodwill, on January 30, 1950, the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced its agreement, stating in its note: "Having considered the proposal... and recognizing that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam represents the vast majority of the Vietnamese people, the Soviet Government has decided to establish diplomatic relations between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and to exchange ambassadors" [Việt Nam - Liên Xô… 1980: 9]. This diplomatic victory, a result of Hồ Chí Minh's astute foreign policy, not only broke the imperialist encirclement but also demonstrated a core tenet of his thought: combining independence and self-reliance with international support. From this point, Vietnam's resistance war became part of the global revolutionary movement.

On February 3, 1950, President Hồ Chí Minh traveled to Moscow on a secret mission to solidify the newly established ties. There, he met with Soviet leaders in a complex trilateral context involving Chinese leader Mao Zedong. Despite Stalin’s initial skepticism regarding the ideological "purity" and capabilities of the Viet Minh, Hồ Chí Minh's diplomatic acumen proved decisive. He formally requested that the Soviet Union and the international communist movement lend their active support to Vietnam. Through his sincere and persuasive presentations, Hồ Chí Minh successfully navigated the geopolitical friction aimed at dividing responsibilities between China and the USSR. As Comrade Stalin affirmed: "The Soviet Union is ready to help Vietnam with everything it can. From now on, you can count on our help...What China lacks, we will provide" [Duiker 2000: 286].

From a theoretical perspective, this diplomatic breakthrough exemplifies Hồ Chí Minh's dialectical application of 'independence' and 'international solidarity'. By directly engaging Moscow, he not only secured material aid but strategically counterbalanced the overarching influence of neighboring China, thereby diversifying Vietnam's strategic options. This maneuver demonstrates a core tenet of his thought: 'self-reliance' does not mean isolation; rather, it involves actively constructing a multilateral support network to reinforce national sovereignty against asymmetric power dynamics.

Following the visit, the USSR actively met Vietnam's urgent requests, promptly transferring vital military hardware that shifted the battlefield balance. Specific aid included anti-aircraft artillery regiments (such as 37mm guns), Molotova trucks for logistics, and signal equipment, which were instrumental in the Border Campaign (1950) and the historic Dien Bien Phu victory (1954). The arrival of Soviet experts to train Vietnamese forces in operating these modern weapons was also crucial. As one account notes, without Soviet military equipment, "it would have been difficult for us to shoot down the American B-52 fortresses" [Tô Lâm 2025: 11.5.2025]. The Soviet Union also became a great friend in Vietnam's post-war recovery and development.

The relationship was further deepened by President Hồ Chí Minh's first official state visit in 1955, where he emphasized solidarity within the socialist camp and the central role of the Soviet Union. The visit's significance was highlighted by the Soviet journal Kommunist, which assessed it as having "significant international importance" [Vasilyeva 1955: 67]. Following his 1957 visit, he wrote The Great Soviet Union (under the pseudonym Tran Luc), praising Soviet achievements and affirming Vietnam's loyal and consistent stance, which was based on both strategic interest and pure internationalist sentiment.

The diplomatic success during this period, reflecting Hồ Chí Minh's strategic thinking and personal prestige, led to extensive cooperation through numerous agreements signed between 1955 and 1960. Soviet assistance was substantial: from 1962 to early 1965, military aid was valued at approximately $200 million [Liên Xô ủng hộ… 2018: 103]. At the height of the war (1968–1972), the USSR supplied hundreds of tanks and artillery pieces cumulatively, along with ~80–100 aircraft annually, including MiG-21 jets and S-75 missile systems. By April 1964, 44 Soviet military experts, including two officers of general rank, were in Vietnam [Liên Xô ủng hộ… 2018: 104].

Ultimately, this period's diplomatic success was a profound reflection of the Party's sound foreign policy, powerfully guided by President Hồ Chí Minh's strategic thinking and personal prestige. His approach enabled Vietnam to expand its international relations, enhance its global stature, and secure vital Soviet assistance for its cause of resistance and nation-building.

The 1960-1969 period:

During this period, Vietnam confronted the US-launched "Special War," a conflict of escalating fierceness. The nation faced the dual challenge of confronting a mighty imperialist power backing the Ngo Dinh Diem regime while overcoming its own economic and technical limitations. In this context, international support became an existential factor, with the Soviet Union playing a core role. Hồ Chí Minh's principle of international solidarity was consistently applied, as he affirmed that Vietnam's victories "cannot be separated from the enthusiastic support of the Soviet Union." This stance demonstrated his strategic vision of grounding an independent foreign policy in close ties with the world revolutionary movement, particularly with a loyal, reliable comrade such as the USSR. Analytically, this period highlights the sophistication of Hồ Chí Minh's 'principled flexibility' (dĩ bất biến, ứng vạn biến). In the face of the deepening Sino-Soviet schism, instead of choosing sides—a move that would have fractured the socialist bloc's support—he successfully framed Vietnam's resistance as a common denominator for international communist duty. By elevating the Vietnam War to a focal point of the global struggle between socialism and imperialism, he compelled both Moscow and Beijing to compete in demonstrating their revolutionary commitment through aid to Vietnam, effectively turning a potentially divisive diplomatic crisis into a catalyst for maximized military assistance.

This commitment was reaffirmed at the highest level. On August 14, 1964, as head of the Vietnamese Party and State, Hồ Chí Minh sent a letter directly to Comrade N. Khrushchev, affirming Vietnam's unshakable relationship with the Soviet Union and stating that the Vietnam Workers' Party’s "friendship and gratitude toward the Communist Party and the people of the Soviet Union will never change" [Hồ sơ… 1964: 55]. Subsequently, under existing agreements, the USSR provided substantial grant aid, including tens of thousands of tons of modern military equipment and training for the Vietnam People's Army. This included the strategic deployment of S-75 Dvina surface-to-air missile systems (SAM-2), MiG-17 and MiG-21 fighter jets [Liên Xô ủng hộ …2018: 104-105]. This comprehensive support was crucial in completing Vietnam's first Five-Year Economic Development Plan and strengthening the North as a strategic rear base to defeat the US "Special War" and "Limited War" strategies in South Vietnam.

Deeply appreciative of the immense help and support that the Soviet Union provided to Vietnam, President Hồ Chí Minh affirmed: "Following the path charted by the great Lenin, the path of the October Revolution, the Vietnamese people have won tremendous victories. It is for this reason that the Vietnamese people's bond of affection and gratitude toward the glorious October Revolution, toward the great Lenin, and toward the Soviet people is infinitely profound" [Hồ Chí Minh 2011: 397]. With his principled stance, goodwill, and tireless efforts as an international communist militant, Hồ Chí Minh secured a declaration from the Soviet Union: "From now on, the Soviet Union fully supports Vietnam's struggle against the U.S. for national salvation" [Nguyen Dinh Bin (ed.) 2005: 201].

Arguably, the world situation in the 1950s and 1960s underwent many complex changes, demanding deft diplomacy to resolve the issues that arose. President Hồ Chí Minh, with his profound political vision and systematic analytical thinking, played a particularly important role in shaping and implementing Vietnam's foreign policy, especially in its relations with the Soviet Union. Affirming his foundational role in laying the groundwork for the relationship between the two countries, during his state visit to Vietnam in June 2024, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin emphasized: "Hồ Chí Minh…was the progenitor of the bilateral cooperation between our two nations. Russia will always remember President Hồ Chí Minh—an outstanding patriot, politician, and statesman who resolutely defended the sovereignty and freedom of his Homeland" [Nga và Việt Nam…: 19.06.24]. Thus, the Vietnam-Soviet relationship, guided by Hồ Chí Minh's thought, remains a precious diplomatic legacy offering valuable lessons for the current Vietnam-Russia partnership.

Strategic implications for the current Vietnam-Russian Federation relationship

After the complete victory of the resistance war against the U.S. in 1975, the Vietnamese nation achieved independence and national reunification, transitioning to a new era: building and developing socialism nationwide. In the years that followed, despite many complex and unpredictable developments in the world and the region, the relationship between the two countries was steadily strengthened. A crucial turning point was the official visit to Vietnam by Russian President Vladimir Putin in March 2001, where the two countries signed a Joint Declaration establishing the Vietnam-Russia Strategic Partnership. This was the first time Vietnam had signed a declaration establishing a strategic partnership with any nation, and Russia was the first country chosen for this special cooperative framework. Following positive achievements from 2004-2011, Vietnam and Russia upgraded their relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in July 2012, making Russia one of Vietnam's first partners of this kind. In recent years, despite complex fluctuations in the international and regional situation, the relationship between the two countries has seen robust development. High-level visits and contacts between the two sides have been frequent, notably the state visit by President Vladimir Putin to Vietnam in June 2024, and the official visit by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin in January 2025, which have further consolidated and enhanced the comprehensive cooperative relationship between Vietnam and the Russian Federation. On this matter, Russian President Vladimir Putin once emphasized: "Such time-tested traditions of comradeship and mutual assistance serve as a solid foundation for the further strengthening of the comprehensive strategic partnership between our countries" [Nga và Việt Nam…: 19.06.24]. Theoretically, this continuity reflects the transformation of 'traditional friendship' into 'strategic political trust'—a critical variable in modern international relations. Hồ Chí Minh’s diplomatic philosophy posits that sustainable cooperation must be rooted in sincerity and mutual respect, not merely transactional interests. In the current volatile geopolitical landscape, this high level of political trust serves as a resilient buffer against external diplomatic shocks, reducing transaction costs in cooperation and providing the bedrock for the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership to thrive amidst global uncertainties.

A review of the development process of the past Vietnam-Soviet relationship and the current Vietnam-Russia relationship reveals the continuity and development of a strategic partnership based on a foundation of traditional friendship, political trust, and convergent strategic interests. From the immense and heartfelt support of the Soviet Union during Vietnam's resistance and national reconstruction to the comprehensive expansion of modern-day relations, the foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, peace, and cooperation, guided by Hồ Chí Minh's thought, has remained a guiding compass. In today’s context of profound global change, lessons drawn from this historical bond, rooted in Hồ Chí Minh's thought, provide an essential basis for Vietnam to continue guiding and deepening its relationship with the Russian Federation. This analysis, therefore, gives rise to several strategic implications for consolidating and developing Vietnam-Russia relations in the present and near future. Specifically:

First is continuing to consolidate and deepen the political-diplomatic foundation based on mutual trust. A key legacy of Hồ Chí Minh's foreign policy thought is the emphasis on friendly and faithful relations with traditional partners, which was evident in the past Vietnam-Soviet relationship and continues to be inherited in the current Vietnam-Russia relationship. Maintaining high-level contacts, promoting strategic dialogue through Party, Government, National Assembly, and local channels, along with strengthening intergovernmental cooperation and regular diplomatic-defense dialogues, will contribute to consolidating political trust and further deepening the two countries’s comprehensive strategic partnership.

Second is promoting defense and security cooperation in a modern direction, linked to regional peace and stability. Hồ Chí Minh's thought on national defense—defensive, peaceful, and just in nature—serves as the guiding foundation for Vietnam-Russia cooperation. Amidst increasing non-traditional security challenges, the two countries need to enhance military-technical cooperation, officer training, and the sharing of experience in cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and disaster response. Defense cooperation must be linked with the message of peace preservation, consistent with Vietnam's policy of "defending the Homeland from afar before it is endangered."

Third is strengthening educational and scientific cooperation as a strategic future investment. Hồ Chí Minh's thought considers education and science the cornerstones of sustainable development. Building on the foundation of thousands of Vietnamese students who have studied in the Soviet Union and Russia, the two countries need to expand government scholarship programs while promoting joint training and research in such fields as high technology, artificial intelligence, civilian nuclear energy, and defense. Key projects like the Center for Nuclear Science and Technology should be effectively implemented as a symbol of long-term cooperation.

Fourth is enhancing people-to-people exchanges and cultural cooperation as the soft foundation for a sustainable bond. Hồ Chí Minh's thought on people-to-people diplomacy emphasizes the role of affection and mutual understanding among nations. Vietnam and Russia share a historical foundation of attachment that needs to be continuously cultivated through cultural and artistic exchanges, cultural weeks, exhibitions, festivals, and media cooperation. For their part, people-to-people exchanges not only strengthen friendship but also create a solid societal foundation for the long-term development of bilateral relations.

Conclusion

The Vietnam-Soviet Union relationship stands as one of the most distinctive foreign relations in Vietnam's modern history, forged and nurtured upon the foundations of proletarian internationalism and profoundly guided by the foreign policy thought of Hồ Chí Minh. Through a foreign policy rooted in independence, self-reliance, peace, and humanism, Hồ Chí Minh fostered the steady development of Vietnam-Soviet relations, particularly during the critical periods of resistance and national reconstruction. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Vietnam-Russian Federation relationship has been maintained and deepened, reflecting an evolution from the traditional bond into a comprehensive strategic partnership. In a rapidly changing global geopolitical context, revisiting this relationship through the lens of Hồ Chí Minh's thought is essential for guiding the deepening of the current Vietnam-Russia relationship. The flexibility and strategic vision inherent in Hồ Chí Minh's thought continue to provide a vital foundation for Vietnam to proactively integrate, elevate its international stature, and strengthen its strategic partnerships, especially with traditional partners such as the Russian Federation.

 

¹ In April 1921, the Communist International decided to establish the University of the Toilers of the East in Moscow to train theoretical cadres and professional revolutionaries for the world communist movement

About the authors

Thi Thuy Van Pham

Hanoi Pedagogical University 2

Author for correspondence.
Email: phamthithuyvan@hpu2.edu.vn
ORCID iD: 0000-0002-4923-7223

Dr.

Viet Nam, Hanoi

Quoc Khanh Lai

Vietnam National University, University of Social Sciences and Humanities

Email: laiquockhanh.vnu@gmail.com
ORCID iD: 0009-0008-4744-8722

Dr., Professor

Viet Nam, Hanoi

References

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